Qasem Alawaqleh

It is not coincidental that we hear extremist statements every day from Israeli officials or entities associated with the government about the future of the region, positioning themselves as the primary player in reshaping the region to serve their interests alone. This occurs while ignoring the existence of nations and peoples with deep histories who are working to build their futures. Israel, emboldened by unconditional Western support for its policies and actions, relaxes and flexes its muscles. Its latest maps of the “new region” envision vast territorial expansions at the expense of neighboring countries.

When examining these statements and actions on the ground, it becomes evident that Israel is pursuing two projects that pose a grave threat to Jordan's future and the Palestinian cause. These are, first, the realization of the dream of expanding Israel at the expense of Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq, and second, the displacement of Palestinians to Jordan as an alternative homeland.

But how can Israel reconcile these two projects: annexing neighboring countries and displacing Palestinians to the alternative homeland? Will Israel face off once again with displaced Palestinians in the new homeland that it also plans to occupy? And can it truly confront the Jordanians, who will undoubtedly rise to defend their country and expel the occupier? Even if, hypothetically, these plans were realized, does Israel have the resources and capabilities to impose control over vast areas and populations unwilling to accept the theft of their homelands?

At first glance, these two projects may seem contradictory. However, upon closer analysis of Israel's extremist ideology and its historical strategies over the past years, it becomes clear that their simultaneous pursuit serves a singular goal, with each project supporting the other. By linking recent developments, starting with the Al-Aqsa Flood operation, and tracing Israeli political and military behavior since the beginning of its genocidal war, it becomes evident that these two projects have been premeditated, with Israel waiting for any opportunity to implement them on the ground. The Al-Aqsa Flood operation was seized upon as the field execution of the Palestinian state’s demise, followed by the escalation in the West Bank to prepare it for annexation. The inconclusive skirmishes with Hezbollah provided Israel the opportunity to implement another part of its expansion plan and to pave the way for the alternative homeland. What Israel has done in Syria, including its occupation of Mount Hermon and the entire Golan Heights, is yet another link in this chain, though it is not the last.

The question remains: Will Israel push further east and then turn south to consolidate its control over countries surrounding Jordan, whether through military action or normalization agreements? As is typical of the occupation, Israel occupies others with multiple crises to achieve goals that might not be visible to them.

The conclusion is that the next phase is to implement the alternative homeland project, and the wars Israel has waged in recent times are preparatory steps on the ground for this plan.

Those who bet on the positive impact of Israel’s internal divisions on the region’s issues are delusional. A look at the history of the occupation shows that its internal disputes have always negatively impacted the region, particularly the Palestinians. Whether the right clashes with the left or the citizen protests against the government, all remain united on the idea of sustaining and strengthening the state. Demonstrations against Netanyahu began before the war on Gaza and persisted, yet he expanded his wars in the region.

Israeli government decisions over the years to build settlements in the West Bank and expand infrastructure supporting these settlements, wars, and displacement all show that internal divisions at least for now have not affected the policies of successive governments, despite economic problems and the reverse migration of Israelis.

As for Jordan and its resilient people, we must prepare to defend it. There is no room for complacency or defeatism in confronting these threats to the homeland’s future. Likewise, Palestinians will never accept an alternative homeland other than Palestine.

Security and Political Researcher, Qasem Alawaqleh