The Diverse Implications of Jordan's 2013 Parliamentary Elections
By Madeleine Mezagopian
AMMONNEWS - With cautious optimism and devoid of preconceptions, a number of Jordanian academic observers followed the parliamentary elections with genuine wishes for Jordan to witness a peaceful political practice and to deliver what might entitle Jordan to be a model for the whole region.
With the crucial role of the newly-born Independent Elections Commission (IEC) and of the local various TV channels, the process had its distinct and recommendable features. While considerable and influential sectors, not least the intellectual elites, of Jordan society boycotted the elections, some foremost the resourceful vehemently invested all available resources including privately-owned TV satellites and social networks to promote their candidates and expand their constituencies. Face to face dialogues and debates all over Jordan flourished with local flavours and unprecedented transparent and controversial approach to issues by known and new figures. Public media means equally modernized and updated its role in disseminating awareness and promoting the election campaigns amid efforts to opportunities for candidates' voices to be equally echoed. Women civil societies did not spare effort to promote women candidates and enhance society's political knowledge at large to vote for the right candidate irrespective of gender.
However, the success of the process was compromised with number of shortcomings on behalf of the IEC to be attributed most to its premature inception which could equally be blamed for vote trading due to absence of adequate preventive measures such as well-formulated and publicized bylaws inflicting harsh punishment on the buyer and seller of votes.
Except the issue of vote counting, the outcome, rather than the process, was scrutinized in local and international articles: The elections delivered the same names, mainly tribal figures and businessmen; All are losers; The Islamic Centrist Party winning candidates seek heading the House of Deputies and forming next government; The outcome of the elections does not allow the forming of Parliamentary Government; Reform after elections.
It is an uncontested fact that political behaviour differs in urban areas with its diverse activities and relatively comfortable life from the less advantageous rural areas of vibrant social life resulting in the latter being more cause-oriented and easily identifying with political candidates than the former. This applies to Jordan's urban and rural societies in addition to the crucial factor of the well-embedded practice of elections and its accompanying campaigns in Jordan's tribal system. Hence, the strong possibility arises for the passive political behaviour as a factor behind the low turnout of voters in big cities especially in the capital Amman.
Business-politics partnership is a world-wide phenomenon with business sectors feeding politicians to represent and promote their interests. However in Jordan, as it is in other sectors, business owners are far from embracing professionalism and delegating through opting direct involvement in various activities simultaneously with success hardly being the outcome.
Surely, the process resulted in winners, at least for the time being until they will be tested under the dome. As with regard losers, only time can decide given those candidates who could not make it to the Parliament can well transfer their disappointment and frustration into strong zeal to forming pressures groups that can direct the political life outside the official political institutions with great efficiency and efficacy and serve the national interests if this is their true motivation and not mere prestige that accompanies parliamentarians.
It is most expected for the 12-year old Islamist Centrist Party to be among many winners having secured little over 10 percent of the Lower's House's 150 seats (Jordan Times, 29/1/2013) with their clever pragmatic face-lifting after the modest if not failed performance of Islamists in other Arab States and the speed of electing the next Parliament impeding the newly emerging young political actors to get established and compete. However, seeking to control the Lower House and the next government indicates the Party not distancing itself from the familiar greed for power of Islamists not least underestimating if not colliding with other seasoned political actors inside and outside the Parliament.
Already during the elections, statements by different political figures hinted to the possibility of having the next Prime Minister outside the Parliament as a strong option. The credibility of Jordanian leadership and its serious intentions to realize political reforms in Jordan will be much shaken and ridiculed if this option is adopted and the opportunity is missed to best test the current parliament in delivering what they promised to deliver during their campaigns irrespective of the empty slogans, vague promises and devoid of well-established programs by some if not the majority of the elected candidates.
There was almost a consensus among the analysts who perceived the elections as a failure and that the key culprit for this failure is the electoral law while others underlined the need to proceed and try to achieve the required reforms starting with new electoral law, the reforms that will rebuild confidence between the people and the state.
But what about the confidence among the peoples of Jordan themselves, does it exist? Does not the absence of confidence between the peoples of Jordan represent the main inhibitor to introduce the electoral law which will secure equal opportunities for all, irrespective of religion and origin, to have a fair equal chance to compete? Does not the pending unresolved Palestinian Issue continue to impact Jordan's domestic political landscape and prevent its progress given most if not all Jordanians of Palestinian origin have not yet fully identified with their Jordanian identity allowing them to be perceived as loyal Jordanian citizens who prioritize Jordan's interests?
In the light of above-mentioned, the emphasis of King Abdullah II to revive the Palestinian-Israeli peace process leading to the establishment of the long and much aspired Palestinian State, which will inevitably help the Jordanians of Palestinian origin to better formulate their identity and its accompanying priorities, in parallel with the Monarch's emphasis to realise crucial political reforms in Jordan gains further momentum and urgency.
* Madeleine Mezagopian is an academic researcher, adviser and analyst in the field of Conflict Resolution/Peace and
Socioeconomic and Political Development. She contributed this article to Ammon News English.
By Madeleine Mezagopian
AMMONNEWS - With cautious optimism and devoid of preconceptions, a number of Jordanian academic observers followed the parliamentary elections with genuine wishes for Jordan to witness a peaceful political practice and to deliver what might entitle Jordan to be a model for the whole region.
With the crucial role of the newly-born Independent Elections Commission (IEC) and of the local various TV channels, the process had its distinct and recommendable features. While considerable and influential sectors, not least the intellectual elites, of Jordan society boycotted the elections, some foremost the resourceful vehemently invested all available resources including privately-owned TV satellites and social networks to promote their candidates and expand their constituencies. Face to face dialogues and debates all over Jordan flourished with local flavours and unprecedented transparent and controversial approach to issues by known and new figures. Public media means equally modernized and updated its role in disseminating awareness and promoting the election campaigns amid efforts to opportunities for candidates' voices to be equally echoed. Women civil societies did not spare effort to promote women candidates and enhance society's political knowledge at large to vote for the right candidate irrespective of gender.
However, the success of the process was compromised with number of shortcomings on behalf of the IEC to be attributed most to its premature inception which could equally be blamed for vote trading due to absence of adequate preventive measures such as well-formulated and publicized bylaws inflicting harsh punishment on the buyer and seller of votes.
Except the issue of vote counting, the outcome, rather than the process, was scrutinized in local and international articles: The elections delivered the same names, mainly tribal figures and businessmen; All are losers; The Islamic Centrist Party winning candidates seek heading the House of Deputies and forming next government; The outcome of the elections does not allow the forming of Parliamentary Government; Reform after elections.
It is an uncontested fact that political behaviour differs in urban areas with its diverse activities and relatively comfortable life from the less advantageous rural areas of vibrant social life resulting in the latter being more cause-oriented and easily identifying with political candidates than the former. This applies to Jordan's urban and rural societies in addition to the crucial factor of the well-embedded practice of elections and its accompanying campaigns in Jordan's tribal system. Hence, the strong possibility arises for the passive political behaviour as a factor behind the low turnout of voters in big cities especially in the capital Amman.
Business-politics partnership is a world-wide phenomenon with business sectors feeding politicians to represent and promote their interests. However in Jordan, as it is in other sectors, business owners are far from embracing professionalism and delegating through opting direct involvement in various activities simultaneously with success hardly being the outcome.
Surely, the process resulted in winners, at least for the time being until they will be tested under the dome. As with regard losers, only time can decide given those candidates who could not make it to the Parliament can well transfer their disappointment and frustration into strong zeal to forming pressures groups that can direct the political life outside the official political institutions with great efficiency and efficacy and serve the national interests if this is their true motivation and not mere prestige that accompanies parliamentarians.
It is most expected for the 12-year old Islamist Centrist Party to be among many winners having secured little over 10 percent of the Lower's House's 150 seats (Jordan Times, 29/1/2013) with their clever pragmatic face-lifting after the modest if not failed performance of Islamists in other Arab States and the speed of electing the next Parliament impeding the newly emerging young political actors to get established and compete. However, seeking to control the Lower House and the next government indicates the Party not distancing itself from the familiar greed for power of Islamists not least underestimating if not colliding with other seasoned political actors inside and outside the Parliament.
Already during the elections, statements by different political figures hinted to the possibility of having the next Prime Minister outside the Parliament as a strong option. The credibility of Jordanian leadership and its serious intentions to realize political reforms in Jordan will be much shaken and ridiculed if this option is adopted and the opportunity is missed to best test the current parliament in delivering what they promised to deliver during their campaigns irrespective of the empty slogans, vague promises and devoid of well-established programs by some if not the majority of the elected candidates.
There was almost a consensus among the analysts who perceived the elections as a failure and that the key culprit for this failure is the electoral law while others underlined the need to proceed and try to achieve the required reforms starting with new electoral law, the reforms that will rebuild confidence between the people and the state.
But what about the confidence among the peoples of Jordan themselves, does it exist? Does not the absence of confidence between the peoples of Jordan represent the main inhibitor to introduce the electoral law which will secure equal opportunities for all, irrespective of religion and origin, to have a fair equal chance to compete? Does not the pending unresolved Palestinian Issue continue to impact Jordan's domestic political landscape and prevent its progress given most if not all Jordanians of Palestinian origin have not yet fully identified with their Jordanian identity allowing them to be perceived as loyal Jordanian citizens who prioritize Jordan's interests?
In the light of above-mentioned, the emphasis of King Abdullah II to revive the Palestinian-Israeli peace process leading to the establishment of the long and much aspired Palestinian State, which will inevitably help the Jordanians of Palestinian origin to better formulate their identity and its accompanying priorities, in parallel with the Monarch's emphasis to realise crucial political reforms in Jordan gains further momentum and urgency.
* Madeleine Mezagopian is an academic researcher, adviser and analyst in the field of Conflict Resolution/Peace and
Socioeconomic and Political Development. She contributed this article to Ammon News English.
By Madeleine Mezagopian
AMMONNEWS - With cautious optimism and devoid of preconceptions, a number of Jordanian academic observers followed the parliamentary elections with genuine wishes for Jordan to witness a peaceful political practice and to deliver what might entitle Jordan to be a model for the whole region.
With the crucial role of the newly-born Independent Elections Commission (IEC) and of the local various TV channels, the process had its distinct and recommendable features. While considerable and influential sectors, not least the intellectual elites, of Jordan society boycotted the elections, some foremost the resourceful vehemently invested all available resources including privately-owned TV satellites and social networks to promote their candidates and expand their constituencies. Face to face dialogues and debates all over Jordan flourished with local flavours and unprecedented transparent and controversial approach to issues by known and new figures. Public media means equally modernized and updated its role in disseminating awareness and promoting the election campaigns amid efforts to opportunities for candidates' voices to be equally echoed. Women civil societies did not spare effort to promote women candidates and enhance society's political knowledge at large to vote for the right candidate irrespective of gender.
However, the success of the process was compromised with number of shortcomings on behalf of the IEC to be attributed most to its premature inception which could equally be blamed for vote trading due to absence of adequate preventive measures such as well-formulated and publicized bylaws inflicting harsh punishment on the buyer and seller of votes.
Except the issue of vote counting, the outcome, rather than the process, was scrutinized in local and international articles: The elections delivered the same names, mainly tribal figures and businessmen; All are losers; The Islamic Centrist Party winning candidates seek heading the House of Deputies and forming next government; The outcome of the elections does not allow the forming of Parliamentary Government; Reform after elections.
It is an uncontested fact that political behaviour differs in urban areas with its diverse activities and relatively comfortable life from the less advantageous rural areas of vibrant social life resulting in the latter being more cause-oriented and easily identifying with political candidates than the former. This applies to Jordan's urban and rural societies in addition to the crucial factor of the well-embedded practice of elections and its accompanying campaigns in Jordan's tribal system. Hence, the strong possibility arises for the passive political behaviour as a factor behind the low turnout of voters in big cities especially in the capital Amman.
Business-politics partnership is a world-wide phenomenon with business sectors feeding politicians to represent and promote their interests. However in Jordan, as it is in other sectors, business owners are far from embracing professionalism and delegating through opting direct involvement in various activities simultaneously with success hardly being the outcome.
Surely, the process resulted in winners, at least for the time being until they will be tested under the dome. As with regard losers, only time can decide given those candidates who could not make it to the Parliament can well transfer their disappointment and frustration into strong zeal to forming pressures groups that can direct the political life outside the official political institutions with great efficiency and efficacy and serve the national interests if this is their true motivation and not mere prestige that accompanies parliamentarians.
It is most expected for the 12-year old Islamist Centrist Party to be among many winners having secured little over 10 percent of the Lower's House's 150 seats (Jordan Times, 29/1/2013) with their clever pragmatic face-lifting after the modest if not failed performance of Islamists in other Arab States and the speed of electing the next Parliament impeding the newly emerging young political actors to get established and compete. However, seeking to control the Lower House and the next government indicates the Party not distancing itself from the familiar greed for power of Islamists not least underestimating if not colliding with other seasoned political actors inside and outside the Parliament.
Already during the elections, statements by different political figures hinted to the possibility of having the next Prime Minister outside the Parliament as a strong option. The credibility of Jordanian leadership and its serious intentions to realize political reforms in Jordan will be much shaken and ridiculed if this option is adopted and the opportunity is missed to best test the current parliament in delivering what they promised to deliver during their campaigns irrespective of the empty slogans, vague promises and devoid of well-established programs by some if not the majority of the elected candidates.
There was almost a consensus among the analysts who perceived the elections as a failure and that the key culprit for this failure is the electoral law while others underlined the need to proceed and try to achieve the required reforms starting with new electoral law, the reforms that will rebuild confidence between the people and the state.
But what about the confidence among the peoples of Jordan themselves, does it exist? Does not the absence of confidence between the peoples of Jordan represent the main inhibitor to introduce the electoral law which will secure equal opportunities for all, irrespective of religion and origin, to have a fair equal chance to compete? Does not the pending unresolved Palestinian Issue continue to impact Jordan's domestic political landscape and prevent its progress given most if not all Jordanians of Palestinian origin have not yet fully identified with their Jordanian identity allowing them to be perceived as loyal Jordanian citizens who prioritize Jordan's interests?
In the light of above-mentioned, the emphasis of King Abdullah II to revive the Palestinian-Israeli peace process leading to the establishment of the long and much aspired Palestinian State, which will inevitably help the Jordanians of Palestinian origin to better formulate their identity and its accompanying priorities, in parallel with the Monarch's emphasis to realise crucial political reforms in Jordan gains further momentum and urgency.
* Madeleine Mezagopian is an academic researcher, adviser and analyst in the field of Conflict Resolution/Peace and
Socioeconomic and Political Development. She contributed this article to Ammon News English.
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The Diverse Implications of Jordan's 2013 Parliamentary Elections
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