Prof. Dr. Haytham Eloqayli

I have followed several recent statements by officials, which reinforced my conviction—something I have written about before—that a widening gap exists between the political and leadership class on one side and Generation Z on the other, and consequently, with Generation Alpha as well.

I have spent years trying to understand Generation Z and even authored two books on subconscious mind programming from this perspective, convinced that the world will eventually adapt to Gen Z’s standards. I had hoped that Mamdani’s success in New York would serve as a wake-up call, signaling that a new wave is coming—one that cannot be resisted but can certainly be engaged with and embraced.

Even veteran politicians in the United States have realized that this generation will shape election outcomes. We will likely see various attempts in the West to adapt to this new reality. Even Israel today is losing much of its traditional support base in the West, despite its vast lobbying, financial, and media power—largely due to the political class’s failure to grasp the influence of a generation that now constitutes over 20% of the population, a share that continues to grow as Generation Alpha joins its ranks.

In this introduction, I will outline some of Generation Z’s defining traits. I am convinced that the official discourse in Jordan—whether from the government, the Senate, or the House of Representatives—still speaks in the language of Baby Boomers and Generation X, and to a lesser extent, Millennials. This disconnect only deepens the gap and undermines any effort toward meaningful political or developmental modernization.

As I mentioned in a previous article, Jordan currently faces two main challenges. The first is the reshaping of the global order originating from the Middle East, disregarding old assumptions and historical roles. Yet, I am confident about this issue, as His Majesty the King and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince lead this effort with courage, wisdom, and strong international relationships. They will navigate Jordan through this phase with minimal losses—perhaps even with gains.

The second challenge, however, concerns me more: the internal front—specifically, youth unemployment and living conditions. This is the responsibility of the government and its institutions. While there are Royal directives on this matter, we cannot expect His Majesty to manage every detail, especially amid existential regional challenges. Thus, it falls to ministers, senators, and other officials to develop a discourse that resonates with Generations Z and Alpha, restoring their confidence in national institutions, the state, and the Hashemite leadership.

Generation Z identifies beyond borders, social norms, ideologies, and even history itself. It belongs to a virtual community whose roots lie in the digital revolution, artificial intelligence, the COVID-19 pandemic, and online learning. It places little weight on traditional social or historical constraints. Consequently, rhetoric based on slogans, religion, or conventional notions of identity no longer finds a receptive audience.

This generation is also anxious and tense, feeling left alone to face life without financial or social support amid shrinking job opportunities and economic pressures. Empty slogans or promises will not restore their hope or trust. What they need are credible, actionable governmental initiatives—projects that produce visible results to reignite their optimism and sense of belonging. Achieving this requires bold, creative thinking outside the box. Frankly, in my experience proposing innovative ideas, most officials today seem closed off to such approaches. I do not know whether this is due to bureaucratic inertia from previous administrations or restrictions on their initiative and decision-making authority, as some seem to imply. This may explain why much of the current rhetoric still targets Boomers and Generation X—even from younger officials.

Generation Z is also the most globally minded generation, strongly valuing universal principles such as fair competition and acceptance of others. This explains why their influence in the U.S. is growing—and, by extension, why their global impact will grow as well. It may also explain why certain official statements that would have been well received twenty years ago now provoke backlash and criticism—seen by Gen Z as tone-deaf or even provocative.

Generation Z is the first truly digital-native generation. Their news sources and modes of thought are not television or radio, but platforms like TikTok, which is arguably their main information source. Being highly tech-savvy, restrictions or bans on digital applications will not be effective with them.

In my view, both governmental and party rhetoric still targets the Boomers and Generation X, which explains their limited influence among youth—even when some ambitious young people participate.

I will not prolong this discussion, but I remain convinced that the gap is widening—and I do not see genuine commitment to closing it, except from His Majesty the King and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince. Their vision, however, must be translated into reality by officials and politicians who serve as the vital link between the Hashemite leadership and Generations Z and Alpha.

I therefore anticipate that the influence of this generation will soon surge—beginning in the United States, spreading globally, and even receiving political support there due to the growing electoral importance of a generation that defies traditional power structures, lobbies, and media. Jordan should act preemptively—by engaging this generation with relevant discourse, initiatives, and ideas—so that the government never finds itself in a position of confrontation with them.